From the document
Since shortly after V–E Day the War Department has operated a project known as “Paperclip,” under which selected German scientists have been brought to this country under military custody for short-term exploitation.
The statement provides for expanding “Paperclip” to include a total of between 800 and 1000 specialists.
No person found by the Commanding General, USFET, to have been a member of the Nazi Party and more than a nominal participant in its activities, or an active supporter of Nazism or militarism shall be brought to the U.S. hereunder.
However, neither position nor honors awarded a specialist under the Nazi Regime solely on account of his scientific or technical ability will in themselves be considered sufficient to disqualify a specialist for evacuation to the U.S. hereunder.
Excerpts are passages from a US government work (public domain), quoted exactly and checked against the text on history.state.gov on every rebuild.
Within weeks of Germany's surrender, Army and Navy technical teams were shipping German scientists to the United States to be questioned and put to work, at first for short periods and under military guard. By the summer of 1946 the services wanted something larger and more permanent. This two-part document is how that change reached the President: a one-page covering memorandum from Dean Acheson, then Acting Secretary of State, dated 30 August 1946, and an enclosed policy statement titled "Interim Exploitation of German and Austrian Specialists Under Project 'Paperclip'"1.
What it says
Acheson's memorandum is short and practical. It describes Paperclip as an existing War Department project, reports General Joseph McNarney's warning that many specialists still in the American zones of Germany and Austria "may be lost to us" without quick action, and proposes expanding the project to between 800 and 1,000 people. Because the specialists' cooperation mattered, their families would be brought over and the strict custody rules relaxed. The War Department would keep people "with Nazi or militaristic records" out, and selected specialists would later be given regular immigration status. The statement, Acheson notes, came from the Joint Chiefs of Staff and had been approved by the State, War and Navy Departments1.
The enclosure turns this into rules. Names chosen by the War and Navy Departments, plus civilian nominations from the Commerce Department, were to be coordinated with the British and certified by the Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency (JIOA) as the official "U.S. Exploitation List." No more than 1,000 specialists, not counting families, were to be in the country at any time. Contracts were to provide for sending home anyone found unqualified or unacceptable for permanent residence. Everyone brought over would stay under "temporary, limited military custody" until given a visa or repatriated, with biographical files going to the FBI, JIOA and the sponsoring service1.
The screening clause is the passage most often quoted. It bars anyone who had been more than a nominal member of the Nazi Party or an active supporter of Nazism or militarism, but adds that rank or honors awarded "solely on account of" scientific ability were not in themselves disqualifying, and that doubtful cases could be shipped to the United States and screened there1.
Approval and what followed
The State Department copy bears a handwritten note: "Approved 9/3/46 Harry S Truman"1. The approval went out as a secret directive that day, and the press began reporting on the program by December 19463. The program grew well beyond the numbers in the memorandum: by the time JIOA was dissolved in 1962 it had compiled files on more than 1,500 German and other foreign specialists brought to the United States, according to the National Archives' description of its records2.
The screening clause did not keep out everyone it was meant to. The National Archives' description of the JIOA case files names Georg Rickhey, a Nordhausen V-2 factory official who arrived in 1946 and was tried (and acquitted) by a US military tribunal in 1947; Walter Schreiber, who had taken part in medical experiments on concentration camp inmates and fled to Argentina in 1952 after a newspaper column exposed him; and Arthur Rudolph, who left the United States in 1984 after the Justice Department found he had taken part in the persecution of prisoners at Nordhausen2.
Where it comes from
The document was printed in 1969 in the Foreign Relations volume covering Western and Central Europe for 1946, from the State Department's central files (file 862.542/9–346). The volume prints the memorandum and enclosure in full but not the related State–War–Navy Coordinating Committee papers it cites1.
Sources
- FRUS Foreign Relations of the United States, 1946, Volume V, The British Commonwealth, Western and Central Europe, Document 448, US Department of State, Office of the Historian (1969).
- National Archives Records of the Secretary of Defense (RG 330): Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency, US National Archives and Records Administration, Nazi War Crimes and Japanese Imperial Government Records Interagency Working Group.
- Wikipedia Operation Paperclip, Wikipedia.