The Long Telegram (1946)

Telegram, George Kennan to George Marshall ["Long Telegram"], February 22, 1946. Harry S. Truman Administration File, Elsey Papers. &. INFORMATION COPY DEPARTMENT OF sm ACTION MUST BE ENDORSED ON ACTION COPY INCOMING TELEGRAM PEM =K=If 8965 No paraphrase necessary. ACTION :EUR se Moscow via Wer “sad “SECRET Dated February 22, 1946 Rect 3:52 p.m. ‘Secretary of State, a Acc Ca ae rey Washington. sa 511, February 22, 9 p.m. BUR/X. in Answer to Dept's 284, Feb 3 involv»s questions DC so intricate, so delicate, so strange to our form of thought, and so importent to analysis ot our inter- national environment that I cannot compross ansvers' into single brdef message without yielding to what I feel would be dangerous degree of over-oimplification. I hope, therefore, Dept will bear with me if I submit in answer. to this question five parts, suijects of which will be roughly as follows: (One) Basic: features of post-war Sovict outlook. (Two) Background of this outlook. (Three) Its projection in practical policy on official level. (Four) Its projection on unofficial level. (Five) Practical, deductions from stendpoint of US policy. I apologize in edvance for this burdening of telegraphic channel; but questions involved are a? such urgent importance, particularly in view of recent events, that our answers to them, if they deserv.: atien- tion at all, seem to me to deserve it at once. ‘“\IERE FOLLOWS PART ONE: BASIC FEATURES OF POST WAR SOVIET OUTL30K, AS PUT FORWARD AY OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA MACHINE, ARE AS FOLLOWS: (A) USSR still lives in antagonistic "capili:list encirclement" with which in the long run there coh be no permanent peaceful coexistence. As stated by Stalin in 1927 to a delegation of American worker: AEM ACeIcien

VEVLAGOIFILY E.O, 11652, Sec. and 5D) or In course State letter, Aug. 10, 1972 SReRet Dept, of ht PLUM On RUN SBERBL -2- #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow wia War "In course of further development of international revolution there will emerge two centers of world significance: soclalist center, drewing to itself the countries vwiiich tend toward socialism, and a capitalist center, drawing to itaelf the countries that incline tovard capitalism. Battle between these two centers for command of world economy wild decide fate of capitalism and of communism in entire world." (B) Capitalist vorld 1s beset with internal con- flicts, inberent: tn notre of capitalist society. These conflicts are Insoluble by means of peaceful compromise. Grentest of them 1s that between England and US. (C) Internal conflicts of capitalism inevitably generate wars. Wars thus generated may be of two kinds: intra-capitalist wars betwoen two capitalist states, and wars of intervention against socialist world. Smart capitalists, vainly seeking escape from inner conflicts of capitalism, incline toward latter. (D) Intervention against USSR, while it would be disastrous to those who undertook it, would cause renewed delay in progress of Soviet soclalism and must therefore be forestalled at all costs. (EZ) Conflicts between capitalist states, though likewise fraught with danger for USSR, nevertheless hold out great possibilities for odvancement of socialist cause. particularly if USSR remeins militarily po il, ideologically monolithic and faithful to its present brilliant leadership. (F) It must be borne in mind that capitalist world is not all bad. In addition to hopelessly reactionary and bourgeois elements, it includes (one) certain wholly enlightened and positive elements united in accepteble coumunistic parties and (two) certain other elements (now described for tactical reasons as progressive or democratic) SBORET EO. 11682, Sec. and ne fen Orifinal

-3- #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow vie War democratic) whose reactions, aspirations and activities happen to be "objectively" favorable to interests of USSR. These last must be encouraged and utilized for Soviet purposes. (G) Among negative elements of bourgeois-capitalist society, most dangerous of all are those whom Lenin called false friends of the people, namely moderate- socialist or social-democratic leaders (in other words, non-communist left-wing). These are more dangerous than out-and-out reactionaries, for latter at least march under their true colors, whereas moderate left- wing leaders confuse people by employing devices of socialism to serve interests of reactionary capital. So much for premises. To what deductions do they lead from standpoint of Soviet policy? To following: (A) Everything mist be done to advance relative strength of USSR as factor in international society. Conversely, no opportunity must be missed to reduce strength and influence, collectively as well as individually, of capitalist powers. (B) Soviet efforts, and those of Russia's friends abroad, must be directed toward deepening and exploiting of differences and conflicts between capitalist powers. If these eventually deepen into an "imperialist" war, this war must be turned into revolutionary upheavals within the various capitalist countries. (C) "Democratic-progressive" elements abroad are to be utilized to maximum to bring pressure to bear on capitelist governments along lines agreeable to Soviet interests. (D) Relentless battle must be waged against socialist and social-democratic leaders abroad. PART TWO BSCRET ree peCISSIFED ey oe £.0. 11652, Se- 2

#511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow via War PART TWO: BACKGROUND OF OUTLOOK Before examining ramifications of this party line “4n practice there are certain aspects of it to which I wish to draw attention. First, it does not represent natural outlook of Russian people. Latter are, by and large, friendly to outside world, eager for experience of it, eager to measure against it talents they are conscious of possessing, eager above all to live in peace and enjoy fruits of their own labor. Party line only represents thesis which official propaganda machine puts forward with great skill and persistence to a public often remarkably resistent in the stronghold of its innermost thoughts. But party line is binding for outlook and conduct of people who make up apparatus of power--~ party, secret police and government-~-and it is ex- clusively with these that we have to deal. Second, please note that premises on which this party line is based are for most part simply not true. Experience has shown that peaceful and mutually profitable coexistence of capitalist and socialist states is entirely possible. Basic 4nternal conflicts in advanced countries are no longer primarily those arising out of capitalist ownership of means of production, but are ones arising from advanced urbanism and industrialism as such, which Russia has thus far been spared not by socialism but only by her own packwardness. Internal rivalries of capitalism do not always generate wars; and not all wars are attributable to this cause. To speak of possibility. of intervention egainst USSR today, after elimination of Germany and Japan and after example of recent war, is sheerest nonsense. If not provoked by forces of intolerance and subversion ‘sapitalist"” world of today 1s quite capable of living at peace with itself and with Russia. Finally, no sane person has reason to doubt sincerity of moderate socialist leaders in western countries. Nor is it fair to deny success of their efforts to improve conditions for working population whenever, in Scandinavia, they have been. penutcenreo irs a EO. 11852 sec. ond bi State Jelter. Buq. 10, Dest. © oe WARS by Het

“SRORet -5— #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow via War have been given chance to show what they could do, Falseness of these premises, every one of which pre-dates recent war, was amply demonstrated by that conflict itself, Anglo-American differences did not turn out to be major differences of western world. Capitalist countries, other than those of Axis, showed no disposition.to solve their differences by joining in crusade against USSR, Instead of imperialist war turning into civil wars and revolution, USSR found itself obliged to fight side by side with capitalist powers for an avowed community of aims. Nevertheless, all these theses, however baseless and disproven, are being boldly put forward again today. What does this indicate? It indicates that Soviet party line is not based on any objective analysis of situation beyond Russia's borders; that it has, indeed, little to do with conditions outside of Russia; that it arises mainly from basic inner-Russian necessities which existed before recent war and exist today. At bottom of Kremlin's neurotic view of world affairs is traditional and instinctive Russian sense of insecurity. Originally, this was insecurity of a peaceful agricultural people trying to live on vast exposed plain in neighborhood of fierce nomadic peoples. To this was added, as Russia came into contact with economically advanced west, fear of more competent more powerful, more highly organized societies in that area, But this latter type of insecurity was one which afflicted rather Russian rulers than Russian people; for Russian rulerd have invariably sensed that their rule was relatively archaic in form, fragile and arti- ficial in its psychological foundation, unable to stand comparison or contact with political systems of western countries. For this reason they have always feared foreign penetration, feared direct contact between western world and their own, feared what would happen if Russians learned truth about world without or if foreigners learned truth about world within. And they have learned DECLASSIFIED EO. 11652, Sec. and S(D) or to seek SEGHEP Dost, cf State letter, Aug. 10, 1972 By AlieD—_-. NARS pate Z2ztt- 232

SBORET #511, February 22, 9 pm. from Moscow via War to seek security only in patient but deadly struggle for total destruction of rival power, never in compacts and compromises with it. It was no coincidence that Marxism, which had smouldered ineffectively for half a century in Western Europe, caught hold and blazed for first time in Russia, Only in this land which had never know a friendly neighbor or indeed any tolerant equilibrium of separate powers, either internal or international, could a doctrine thrive which viewed economic conflicts of society as insoluble by peaceful means. After estab- lishment of Bolshevist regime, Marxist dogma, rendered even more truculent and intolerant by Lenin's inter- pretation, became 4 perfect vehicle for sense of in- security vith vhich Bolsheviks, even more than previous Russian rulers, wore afflicted. In this dogma, with its basic altruism of purpose, they found justification for their instinctive fear of outside world, for the dictatorship without which they did not know how to rule, for cruelties they did not dare not to inflict, for sacrifices they felt bound to demand. In the name of Marxism they sacrificed every single ethical value in their methods and tactics. Today they cannot dispense with it. It is fig leaf of their moral and intellectual respectability. Without it they would stand before history, at best, as only the last of that long succession of cruel and wasteful Russian rulers who have relentlessly forced country on to ever new heights of military power in order to guarantee external security of their internally weak regimes. This is why Soviet purposes must always be solemly clothed in trappings of Marxism, and why no one should undorrate importance of dogma in Soviet affairs. Thus Soviet leaders are driven necessitios of their own past and present position to put forward a dogma which (*) outside world as evil, hostile and menacing, but as bearing within itself germs of creeping disease and destined to be wracked with growing internal convulsions until it is given final coup de grace by rising pover of socialism and yields to new and better world. This thesis DECLASSIFIED SHORE E.O, 11652, Sec. 3(E) and 5(D) or (E) Dept. of State letter, Aug. 10, 1972 py @2LT__., wars Date/2~//-239—

SEGREY -7- #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow via War thesis provides justification for that increase of military and police power of Russian state, for that isolation of Russian population from outside world, and for that fluid and constant pressure to extend limits of Russian police power which are together the natural and instinctive urges of Russian rulers. Basically this is only the steady advance of uneasy Russien nationalism, a centuries old movement in which con- ceptions of offense and defense are inextricably con- fused. But in new guise of international Marxism, with its honeyed promises to a desperate and war torn outside world, it is more dangerous and insidious than ever before. It should not be thought from above that Soviet party line is necessarily disingenuous and insincere on part of all those who put it forward many of them are too ignorant of outside world and mentally too dependent to question (*) self-hypnotism, and who have no difficulty meking themselves believe what they find it comforting and convenient to believe. Finally we have the unsolved mystery as to who, if anyone, in this great land actually receives accurate and unbiased information about outside world. In atmosphere of oriental secretiveness and conspiracy which pervades this government, possibilities for disto~ting or poisoning sources and currents of information are infinite. The very disrespect of Russians for objective truth---indeed, their disbelief in its existence--- leads them to view all stated facts as instruments for furtherance of one ulterior purpose or another. There is good reason to suspect that this government is actually a conspiracy within conspiracy; and I for one -am reluctant to believe that Stalin himself receives anything like_an objective picture of outside world. Here there is ample scope for the type of subtle intrigue at which Russians are past masters. Inability of foreign governments to place their case squarely before Russian policy makers---extent to which they are delivered up in their relations with Russia to good graces of obscure and unknown advisers whom they never see and cannot influence~---this to my mind is most disquieting feature of diplomacy in Moscow, and one which western statesmen would do well to keep in mind if they would understand nature of difficulties encountered here. Original! Pasir DECLASSIFIED PART THREE: + mt ae for Pi sat ace

PEORET -8- #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow via War PART THREE: PROJECTION 0: SOVIET OUTLOOK IN PRACTICAL POLICY ON OFFICIAL LitVEL We have now seen nature end background of Soviet’ progrem. What may we expect b} way of its practical implementation? Soviet policy, as Departrint implies in its query under reference, is conducted on two plenes: (one) official plane represented by ections undertaken officially in name of Soviet Governinent; and (two) subterranean Plane of actions undertaken by egencles for which Soviet Government does not admit responsibility. Policy promulgated on both »lanes will be cal- culated to serve basic policies (a) to (D) outlined in part one. Actions taken on different planes will differ considerably, but will dototail into each other in purpose, timing and effect. On official plane we must look fcr following: (A) Internal policy devoted to incivasing in every ber strength and prestige of Sovict stat«' intensive military-industrialization; maximum development of armed forces; great displays to impress outsiders; continued secretiveness about internal matters, designed to conceal weainesses and to keep opponents in dark. (B) Whorever it 1s considered timely e1d promising, efforts will be made to advance official lisits of Soviet power. For the moment, these effort: are restricted to certain neighboring points corceived of here as being of immediate strategic necessity, such as Northern Iran, Turkey, possibly Bornholm. However, other points may at any time come into question, if and as concealed Soviet political power is «xtended to new areas. Thus a "friendly" Persian Goverinent might be asked to grant Russia a port on Persian Gulf. Should Spain fall under communist control, question of Soviet base at DECLISSIFIED SRERE® SA tame, Bon 0m ont OO ce Dopt. of State letter, Aug. 16, ty ALT, man wet dedella

-Q= #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow via War base at Gibraltar Strzvit might be activated. But such claims will appear ov ‘official level only when unofficial preparation is complute. (C) Russians wiil participate officially in international organtzations where they see opportunity of extending Soviet vower or of inhibiting or diluting power of others. Moscow sees in UNO not the mechanism for a permanent and siiable world society founded on mutual interest an?’ alms of ell nations, but an serena in which aims just mentioned can be favorably pursued. As long as UNO is considered here to serve this purpose, Soviets will rerain with it. ‘But if at any time they come to conclusfon that it is serving to embarass or frustrate theiy cims for power expansion and if they. see better prespects for pursuit of these aims along other lines, they will not hesitate to abandon UNO. This would inyly, however, that they felt themselves strong enouga to split unity of other nations by their withdrawal, to ren\or UNO ineffective as a threat to their aims or secuity, and to replece it with an inter- national weapon moro effective from their viewpoint. Thus Soviet attitue toward UNO will depend largely on loyalty of other netions to it, and on degree of vigor, decisiveness and ¢crhesion with which these nations defend in UNO the j*aceful and hopeful concept of international life, which that organization represents to our way of thinl:ng. I reiterate, Moscow has no abstract devotion to UNO ideals. Its attitude to that ral ot pa will »emein essentially pragmatic and tactical. (D) Toward coloxtal areas and backward or dependent peoples, Soviet policy, even on official plane, will be directed toward wokening of power and influence and contacts of advanced vestern nations, on theory that in so far as tnis polisy is successful, there will be created a vacuuw:i which will favor commmnist-Soviet penetration. fovlet pressure for participation in trusteeship arvangemeiis thus represents, in my opinion, a desire to be in.a pxsition to complicate and inhibit exertion of western ii?luence at such points rather than to provide majos channel ‘for exerting of Soviet power. Latter motive CECLISSIFIED =BBSERELMEO. 11652, Sec. 9E) and (D) or Dept. of State letter, Aug, 10, 1972 Fy ALT NARS

-10- #511, February 22, 9 p.m, from Moscow via War Latter motive is not lacking, )ut for this Soviets prefer to rely on other channels than official trusteeship arrangements. Thus we may expect to find Soviets asking for admission everywhere to trusteeship or similar arrangements and using levers thus acquired to weaken western influence among such peoples. (E) Russians will strive energetically to develop Soviet representation in, and official ties with, countries in which they seise strong possibilities of opposition to western centers of power. This applies to such widely separated points a: Germany, Argentina, Middle Eastern countries, etc. (F) In international economic natters, Soviet policy will really be dominated by pursuit of gutarchy for Soviet Union and Soviet-dominated edjscent areas taken together. That, hovever, will be undwrlying policy. As far as official line is concerned, 20sition is not yet clear. Soviet Government has show strange reticence since termination hostilities on subject foreign trade. If large scale long term credits should be forthcoming, I believe Soviet Government may eventually again do lip service, as it did in nineteen-thirtys to desirability of building up international economic exchanges in general. Otherwise I think it possible Soviet foreign trade may be restricted lergely to Soviets own security ‘sphere, including occupied areas in Germany, and that a cold official shoulder may be turned to principle of general economic collaboration among nations. With respect to cultural collaboration, lip service will likewise be rendered to desivability of deepening cultural contacts between peoploas, but this will not in practice be interpreted in any way which oculd weaken security position of Soviet peoples. Actual manifestations of Soviet policy in this respect will be restricted to arid channéls of closely shepherded official visits and functions, with super-abundance of vodka and speeches and dearth of permanent effects. Beyons DECLASSIFIED =SROCRET 11652, Sec, HE) and or © Dept. of State letter, Aug. 10, 1972 py ALT... NARS DateLderit-

_-1l- #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow vie War ai Beyond this, Soviet official relations will take what might be calicd "correct" course with dndividual foreign govornments, with great stress be -laid on prestige of Soviet Union and its pepresentatives and with punctilious attention to protocol, as distinct (rom good manners, PART FOUR: FOLLOWING MAY BE SAID AS TO WHAT WE MAY EXPECT BY WAY OF IM|\VEMENTATION OF BASIC SOVIET POLICIES. ON UNOFFICIAL, (ii SUBTERRANEAN PLANE, ON PLANE FOR WHICH SOVIET GOVERNMENT ACCEPTS No RESPONSIBILITY Agencies utilized for pronulgation of policies on this plane are. following: One. Inner central core of communist parties in other countries, While many of persons who compose this category may also appear and act in unrelated public capacities, they are i reality working closely together as an underground operating directorate of world communism, a concealed Cuiiintern tightly co- ordinated and directed by Mosccv. It is important to remember that this inner core is actually working on underground lines, despite legelity of parties with which it is associated. Two. .Rank‘and file of commjist parties. Note distinction is drawn between thes: end persons defined in paragraph one. This distinctiyn has become much sharper in recent years. Whereas formerly foreign communist parties represented a curious (and from Moscow's standpoint often inconven‘..nt) mixture of conspiracy and legitimate activity, now the conspira-~ torial element has been neatly concentrated in inner circle and ordered underground, while rank and file--- no longer even taken into confidcnece about realities of movenent---are thrust forward as bova fide internal partisans of certain political tendencies within their respective countries, genuinely inoocent of conspiratorial connection DECLASSIFIED SRCRRe E.O. 11652, Sec. 3(E) and SD) or Dept, of State letter, Aug. 10, 1872 py ALT, wars pow Z2-U-1?2—

SEGRE -12- #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow via War connection with foreign states. Only in certain countries where communists are numerically strong do they now regularly appear and act as a body. As a rule they are used to penetrate, and to influence or dominate, as case may be, other organizations less likely to be suspected of being tools of Soviet Government with a view to accomplishing their purposes through (*) organizations, rather than by direct action as a separate political party. Three. A wide variety of national associations or bodies which can be dominated or influenced by such penetration. These include: labor unions, youth leagues, womens organizations, racial societies, religious societies, social organizations, cultural groups, liberal magazines, publishing houses, etc. Four. International organizations which can be Similarly penetrated through influence over various national components. Labor, youth and womens organi zations are prominent among them. Particular, almost vital, importance is attached in this connection to international labor movement. In this, Moscow sees possibility of sidetracking western governments in world affairs and building up international lobby capable of compelling governments to take actions favorable to Soviet interests in various countries and of paralyzing actions disagreeable to USSR. Five. Russian Orthodox Church, with its foreign branches, and through it the Eastern Orthodox Church in general. Six. Pan-Slav movement and other movements (Azerbaijan, Armenian, Turcoman, etc.) based on racial groups within Soviet Union. Seven. Governments or governing groups willing to lend themselves to Soviet purposes in one de eo or another, such as present Bulgarian and Yugoslav govern- ments, North Persian regime, Chinese Communists, etc. Not only DECLASSIFIED SEoREP E.O. 11652, Sec. XE) and XD) or Au 1M 1079 ees ta-t Dabtiead

DIVISION OF ead INFORMATION COPY CENTRAL SERVICES fe TELEGRAPH SECTION DEPARTMEN > OF ST ATE ACTION MUST BE ENDORSED Raine: sais ON ACTION COPY ACTION: EUR INFO: 3 DCG U No paraphrase necessary. A-C —BERCRET -13-#511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow via War, P. BNo $ pe fe Not only propagenda machtnes but actual policies of DC/R these regimes can be placed extensively at disposal of USSR. it may be expected that component parts of this far- flung apperatus will be utilized, in accordance with their Individual suitability, as follows: (A) To undermine general political and strategic potenttal of major western powers. Efforts will be made tn such countrtes to disrupt national self confidence, to hanstring measures of natJonal defense, to Increase social and {industrial unrest, to stimulate all forms of disunity. All persons with grievances, whether economic or racial, will be urged to seek redress not in mediation and compromtse, but In defiant violent struggle for destruction of other elements of soctety, Here poor will be set against rich, black against white, young against old, newcomers against established residents, etc., (B) On unofficial plane particularly violent efforts will be made to weaken power and influence of western powers of colonial, backward, or dependent peoples, On this level, no holds will be barred. Mistakes and weaknesses of western colonial adm!n!istration will be mercilessly exposed and exploited, Liberal op!nion in western countries wtll be mobilized to weaken colon'tal policies. Resentment among dependent peoples will be stimulated. And while latter are being encouraged to seek Independence of western powers, Soviet dominated puppet political machines will. be undergoing preparation to take over domestic power in respective colonial areas yhen independence is achieved. (C) Where individual governments stand in path of ‘Soviet purposes pressure will be brought for their removal from office, This can happen where governments directly oppose Soviet foreign policy alms (Turkey, Iran), where DECLASSIFIED they seal E.0! 11652, Sec. %{E) and XD) or eee OS eT

-134-#511, February 22, 9 p.m., from Moscow via War, they seal their territories off against Communist penetration (Switzerland, Portugal), or where they compete too strongly, like Labor Government in England, for moral domination among elements which it is important for Communists to dominate. (Sometimes, two of thes? elenents ‘are present jn a singie case. Then Communist opposition becomes particularly shrill snd savage. (D) In foreign countries Communists will, as a rule, work toward destructicn of all forms of personal independence, economic, political or moral, Their system can handle only indiv’duals who have been brought tuto complete dependence on bigher power, Thus, persons who are financially tndependent--such as individual business- men, estate owners, successful farmers, artisans and 211 those who exercise ivocai }eadership or have local practige, such as popular local clergymen or poiittcsi figures, are anathema, It is not by chance that even in USSR local officials are kept constantly on move from one job to another, to prevent their taking (E) Everything DEMLASS/FIED SEGRBE 11052, Sec. 216) and o Dept. cf State lotte:, Aug, 10, 1972 ty WoT, nans Date

suenEt #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Noscow vie, Wor (E) Everything possible will be done to set major vestern powers against each other. Anti-British talk will be plugged among Americans, anti-American talk among British. Continentels, including Germans, will be taught to abhor both Anglo-Saxon powers. Where sus- picions exist, they will be fanned; where not, ignited. No effort will be spared to discredit and combat all efforts whick threaten to lead to any sort of unity or cohesion among other from which Russia might be excluded. Thus, ell forms of 4nternationel organization not amenable to communist penetration and control, whether it be the Catholic (*) international economic concerns, or the international fraternity of royalty- and aristocracy, must expect to find themselves under fire from many, and often (*) (F) In general, all Soviet efforts on unofficial 4international plane will be negative end destructive 4n character,. designed to tear down sources of strength beyond reach of Soviet control. This is ony in line with basic Soviet instinct that there can be no cou- promise with rival power and that constructive work can start only when communist power is dominant. But behind all this will be applied insistent, unceasing pressure for penetration end comuand of key positions 4n administration and especially in police apparatus of foreign countries. The Soviet regime is a police regime par excellence, reared in the dim half world of Tsarist police intrigue, accustomed to think primarily in terms of police power. This should never be lost sight of in gauging Soviet motives. PART FIVE: In summery, we have here a political force committed fanatically to the belief that with US there can be no permanent modus vivendi, that it is desirable and necessary that the internal harmony of our society be disrupted, our traditional way of life be destroyed, the international authority of our state be broken, if Soviet power is to be secure. This political force hes complete pcwer of disposition over energies of one of world's greatest peoples end resources of world's richest national territory, and is borne along by deep GE*LIS'FIED and powerful FIGS2. Rae WR) wnt erm. an

ACTION: EUR INFO SPA UNO. —~SEGRE2 CORRECTED PAGE FIFTEEN No paraphrase necessary SBornT -15- #511, #ebruary 22, 9 p.m., from Moscow via Wer and powerful currents of Russian nationalism. In addition, it has an elaborate and far flung apparatus for exertion of its influence in other countries, en apparatus of amazing flexibility and versatility, managed by people whose experience and skill in undsr- ground methods are presumebly without parallel in history. Finally, 1t 1s seemingly inaccessible to considerations of reality in ites basic reactions. for it, the vast fund of objective fact about human society is not, as with us, the measure against which outlook is constantly belug tested and re-formed, but a grab bag. from which individuel items are selected arbitxurily and tendenctously to bolster an ovtlook already preconceived. Th’s in admittediy not a pleasant picture. rropiem of hu. to cope with thie force in undoubtedly greavesu -task our diplomacy has ever faced and probably greatest it will ever have to face. It should be point of departure from which our political general staff work at present juncture should proceed. It should be approached with same thoroughness and care as solution of major strategic problem in wer, and if necessary, with no swaller outlay in planning effort. I cannot attempt to suggest sill answers here. But I would like to record my conviction that problem is within our power to solve and that without recourse to any general military conflict. And in support of this conviction there are certain observations of a more encouraging nature I should Jike to make: (One) Soviet power, unlike that of Hitlerite Germany, is neithor schematic nor adventuristic. It does not work by fixed plans. It does not take unnecessary visks. Impervious to logic of reason, and it is highly sensitive to logic of force. Foxy this reason it can easily with- draw and usuelly does----vhen strong resistance is DECUASSIFIED encowitered F.9. 11652, Sec, and 5(D) oF (2)

~SECHRE -154- #511, February 22, 9 p-m., from Moscow via War. encountered at any point. Thus, if the adyersary has sufficient force and makes clear his re ss to use it, he rarely has to do so. If situations’ are properly handled there need be no prestige engaging showdowns. (Two) Gauged against western world as a whole, Soviets are still by far the weaker force. Thus, thetr success will really depend on degree of cohesion, firmess and vigor which western world can muster. And this is factor which it is within our power to influence. (Three) Success of Soviet system, as form of internal power, 1s not yet finally proven. It has yet to be demonstrated that it can survive supreme text of successive transfer of power from’ one individual or gros to another. Lenin's death was first such ransfer, and its effects wracked Soviet state for 15 years after Stalin's death or retirement will be second. But even this will not be final test. Soviet internal system will now be subjected, by virtue of recent territorial expansions, to series of additonal streins which once proved severe tax on Tsardom. We here are convinced that never since termination of clvil war have mass of Russian people been emotionally farther removed from doctrines of communist party than they are "DECLASSIFIED today. EO. 11652, Sec. 916) and 50D) or MJF ad Dept. of State letter, Aug. 10, —SRORRE py was vote

“SHERBET -16- #511, February 22, 9 p.m. from Moscow via War today. In Russia, party has now become a great and--- ‘for the moment---highly successful apparatus of dictatorial administration, but it, has ceased to be a source of emotional inspiration. Thus, internal soundness and permanence of movement need not yet be ‘regarded as assured. (Four) All Soviet propaganda beyond Soviet security sphere is basically negative and destructive. It should therefore be relatively easy to combat it by any intelli- ‘gent and really constructive program. For these reasons J think we may approach calmly and with good heart problem of how to deal with Russia. As to how this approach should be made, I only wish to advance, by way of conclusion, following comments: (One) Our first step must be to apprehend, and recognize for what it is, the nature of the movement with which we are dealing. We must study it with same courage, detachment, objectivity, and same determination not ‘to be emotionally provoked or unseated by it, with which doctor studies unruly and unreasonable individual. (Pwo) We must see that our Public is educated to realities of Russian situation. I cannot over-emphasize importance of this. Press cannot do this alone. It must be done mainly by government, which is necessarily more experienced and better informed on practical problems involved. In this we need not be deterred by Felinness of picture. I am convinced that there would ar less hysterical anti-Sovietism in our country today if realities of this situation were better under- stood by our people. There is nothing as dangerous or as terrifying as the unknown. It may also be argued that to reveal more information on our difficulties with Russia would reflect unfavorably on Russian American relations. I feel that; if there is any real risk here involved, it is one which we should have courage to face, and sooner the better. But I cannot see what we would be risking. Our stake in this country, even coming on heels of ens deuonstrations of our friendship for ECLASSIFIED EO. 11652, sec. af) and 5(D) or Russian people Dept. of State letter, A “SECRET by ALT ac

bigest ACTION: EUR CORRECTION PAGE SEVENTEEN INFO: © AMM No paraphrase necessary yet #511, February 22, 9 p.m., from Moscow via War Russian people, is remarkably small. We have here no in- UNO vestments to guard, no actual trade to lose, virtually no EUR citizens to protect, few cultural contacts to preserve. De Our only stake lies in what we hope rather than what we have; and I am convinced we have better chance of realizing those hopes if our public is enlightened and if our dealings pide Russians are placed entirely on realistic ate matter of act basis. (Three) Much depends on health and vigor of our own society. World communism is like malignant parasite which feeds only on diseased tissue, This is point at which domestic and foreign policies meet, Every courageous and incisive measure to solve internal problems of our own society, ‘to improve self confidence, discipline, morale and community spirit of our own people, is a diplomatic victory over Moscow worth a thousand diplomatic notes and joint comminiques. If we cannot abandon fatalism and indifference in face of deficiencies of our own society, Moscow will oc gaat cannot help profiting by them in its foreign policies. (Four) We mist formulate and put forward for other nations a much more positive and constructive picture of sort of world we would like to see than we have put forward in past. It is not enough to urge people to develop politi- cal processes similar to our own. Many foreign peoples, in Europe at least, are tired and frightened by experiences of past, and are less interested in abstract freedom than in security. They are seeking guidance rather than responsibili- ties. We should be better able than Russians to give them this. And unless we do, Russians certainly will. (Five) Finally we must have courage and self confidence to cling to our own methods and conceptions of human society. After all, the greatest danger that can befall us in coping with this problem of Soviet Communism, is that we shall allow ourselves to become like those with whom we are coping. DECLASSIFIED KENNAN E.O. wnes2, see. ana 50) oF